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The . Yeah. Well, I guess it's true.

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Right, morning everybody. Brought an early Saturday session. So this is racial capitalism, spatial productions.

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My name is Matt. I am the system chair for today. I'm an honest student at Wipapa Terminator which is the University of Auckland, New Zealand.

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Before we get started, I just kick off with an acknowledgement of country. So the country we're meeting on today is called Nam of the Coordination.

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On the other side of the era, the traditional custodians are the one jury where wrong people. The side of the year are other Bunarong people like to acknowledge their unseen sovereignty of these lands.

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Paris speaks to their elders, ancestors past, present and future along with any Aboriginal Torres Strait Islanders who might be listening in today.

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And I've got 3 speakers this morning. Each have about 20 min to speak. Not really fixed on that one.

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So, 2025 min, have you got long you've got? I can give you guys a 3 min warning once you're getting close.

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And then at the end, we'll open up the floor. So any questions from you guys or from Zoom?

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If there happens to be anywhere on. So I guess we'll get straight into it first speaker as Casey Hendrix.

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From the University of tennessee@knoxvilleusa.

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Sure.

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I wanna thank you all for coming on the last day of the conference at 8 30 and I'm really looking forward to your comments at 8 30 and I'm really looking forward to your comments as I was mentioning to some of the folks earlier this is as I was mentioning to some of the folks earlier this is as I was mentioning to some of the folks earlier this is a work in progress and this is the

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first time. This is a work in progress and this is the first time that I presented it so it's kind of still very loose and rough.

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Its organization and execution but hopefully it's going to be generated enough to provoke some type of conversation or reaction at the very least.

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So let me start off by setting the scene. December first was unlike any brisk morning in Chicago for John Biggs.

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He woke up to discover his car gone. As a carpenter he keeps tools in his trunk.

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No wills meant no work, no work meant no income, and no income meant a lot of problems.

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Biggs would later learn that his car was towed on the opening day of the winter parking ban. It's a city ordinance in place to keep the roads clear on snow days.

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The thing is, it never snowed. A day later and a couple $100 short, Biggs was able to recover his car at the pound.

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And with this opening manette, let me suggest that what happened to Biggs is hardly a unique experience.

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It's a common one that sheds light on 3 things that I want to talk about today. One, it's a pattern that allows us to parse the relationship between racial capitalism and its spatial production by centering Chicago's one of its first attempts at privatization.

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To the focus on ticketing and towing allows us to theorize how racialized hardships result from the draining of resources neighborhood resources through basic actions of urban governance and 3 the study represents our attempt to quantify which segregated communities represent these new sites of extraction all within the world of winter parking regulations.

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So as bad as big situation was, it could have been a lot worse. Let me walk you through a simulation of just how fast ticketing and towing debt can spiral out of control in Chicago.

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On day one, you owe the city of Chicago $230, including a $60 parking fine, a $150 towing fee and a $20 daily storage fee for empowerment.

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Should you be unable to make good on this debt, which means that you need to pay it off in full or set up a payment plan with 50% of the ticket debt down plus any towing in storage fees.

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Well your car is going to stay at the pound racking up more fees with each passing day. On day 6, storage fees jump from $20 per day to $35 per day and city officials at Chicago say that space is at a premium so that's why you see this jump in rates.

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It's been less than a week. Now you owe the city $345.

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Should you not respond with in 14 days the Department of Finance will enter a determination of liability and when this happens the ticket doubles from $60 to $120 to $120 and on top of this late penalty the city adds another $20 to $120 and on top of this late penalty the city adds

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another 22% in collection fees on top of this late penalty, the city adds another 22% in collection fees on top of this debt.

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Your total debt now stands at 878 On day 31 your car has been at the pound for a month so within the first 10 days of empowerment the Department of Streets and Sanitation will send you a notification via certified mail and once you sign off on this delivery it sets in motion a deadline for owners to retrieve

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their cars. Now the city will keep your car for 21 days before it's considered quote unquote involuntarily surrendered.

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Ownership will then transfer to the city of Chicago and the car will be auctioned off at scrap value.

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Usually we're talking about one to $200 regardless of a car's make model or condition and none of these proceeds subtract from the legal debt that a person owes the city of Chicago a debt that actually has no statute of limitations within the state of Illinois which houses the city of Chicago.

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Meanwhile, the meter is still running on those storage and collection fees. So in 31 days you go from owing $230 to only $1,562 and remember this all started as a matter of a snow-related parking restriction, regardless of whether or not there is actually any snowfall accumulation.

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So you can't understand Chicago snow restrictions without also knowing a little something about Mayor Jane Byrne.

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Where it not for the blizzard of 1,979 she probably would not have been elected It was a snowstorm that was predicted as 4 inches, but it turned out to be 2 feet.

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Cars clogged the streets, plows couldn't clear the snow, public transit didn't move and garbage collection stopped for 2 weeks.

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The blizzard buried any hope that Mike Balandic the machine backed incumbent would keep his job.

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Jane Byrne politicized his lackluster response. She declared a war on snow and she pulled off one of the most stunning upsets in Chicago political history.

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And one of the first things that Byrne did as mayor was create 2 sets of winner parking rules that remain in effect today.

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The winter band and the two-inch snow route ban. Now the winter band prohibits parking on 107 miles of streets from December first to April first.

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Between 7 between 3 and 7 am. Excuse me. Now the 2 inch snow route ban is a restriction that applies year-round to 500 miles of streets so long as there's at least 2 inches of snow.

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A violation of either ordinance is punished with immediate ticketing, towing and empowerment all in the name of public safety even if public safety is not in question.

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So things took another turn on June eleventh, 1,989. Chicago began one of its first experiments with privatizing a basic public service under newly elected Mayor Richard M.

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Daley. Who preached a gospel of private industry as a city savior that safe city government from the wickedness of waste and blessed city workers with more time to address more urgent concerns.

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Years later, during an interview, Daley fondly reflected upon this issue saying, quote, when I first came in 1,989 there were more abandoned cars than people I believe.

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I mean the biggest complaint was abandoning cars. Then we privatized towing. This has been a great thing.

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So let me take a moment here to also stress the importance of abandoning cars. So daily aided and abetted a moral panic over abandoned cars by claiming that Chicago had more or less become a dumping ground saying that drivers parked with immunity blocking fire hydrants and bus stops along the way.

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And years earlier, I should mention the architects of broken windows had centered the abandoned car specifically as a marker of more serious crime to come drawing heavily from Zimbardo's 1,969 experiment and Mayor Daley tapped into the abandoned car as a symbol of anxiety, a symbol of urban

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decay to drive political change that embraced proactive policing on the one hand. While expanding police prerogative to benefit property interests on the other hand.

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And this moral panic was a racialized one too to the extent that Chicago's privatization experiment in towing started off as a pilot program, one that selectively targeted predominantly black communities on the south and west sides of the city.

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Not to mention how the abandoned car can also stand in as a racist dog whistle that completes blackness with criminality.

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So once the program registered some successes, daily expanded the experiment to the entire city. The firm that took over Chicago's towing services was none other than United Road Towing.

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Now this company formed just 9 days before landing this exclusive city contract and it's a firm that has close ties to Mayor Daley's top advisor.

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But the cloud doesn't stop with just one or 2 politicians. So what you're looking at right here is a three-level sanki diagram that visualizes the flow of campaign contributions made by United Road Towing or one of its board of directors.

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Between 1,994 and last year united or one of its board members made over 300 donations amounting to nearly $300,000 made over 300 donations amounting to nearly $300,000 to the campaigns made over 300 donations amounting to nearly $300,000 to the campaigns of more than one

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$100,000 to the campaigns of more than 100 politicians throughout the state of Illinois. 100 politicians throughout the state of Illinois.

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What you're seeing here on this slide is a life cycle of Illinois. What you're seeing here on this slide is a life cycle of these campaign contributions.

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What you're seeing here on this slide is a life cycle of these campaign contributions. The gray links represent the dollar value of these campaign contributions.

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The gray links represent the dollar value of campaign donations. The gray links represent the dollar value of campaign donations and the thickness of the dollar value of campaign donations and the thickness of each link varies according to how much money was contributed and the thickness of each link varies according to how much money was contributed and the thickness of each link varies according to how much money was

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contributed and the blue nodes represent the players who are involved in these transactions. So on the left, what you're seeing is who made the campaign donation on behalf of United Road telling.

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And I've also named in names here so that you can see who the top donors were in this process.

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In the middle you're seeing the affiliated political office that was a recipient of these donations and let me point out that these politicians were far from random.

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They hold key offices like Alder persons of Chicago City Council and the Illinois House Speaker's Office. And then on the right, you're seeing the specific individual who was a beneficiary of these donations.

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And again, I've named names. Some of the actors who received the most money here actually serve in key leadership roles in committees that set the legislative agenda in their respective governing body.

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Now contributions like these don't automatically translate into political action. I recognize that, but I also recognize that they do align with Chicago's deep history of trading coveted contracts for campaign dollars.

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So with all the idiosyncrasies that come with Chicago, political and otherwise, you might be asking yourself why even pursue it as a case study?

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I acknowledge that Chicago City limits impose literal boundaries upon my data. On my field site, but let me say that I don't see Chicago as a self-contained site that exists in a vacuum.

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And as much as this becomes clear when you ask yourself, well, who owns Chicago streetscape? The answer is a lot of interests that don't have any ties to Chicago at all.

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Morgan Stanley, Alliance Capital of Germany and the Abu Dhabi government, control Chicago's parking meters until 2,084 the year I'll be turning 100 years old.

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The Atlas Group of Australia right here in Australia owns the Chicago Skyway and they do after probably dead sorry the The formatting is a little off, but they're actually owning the Skyway through 21 0 4.

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I always have to look at that number and take a double take because it's just like it seems so fake and unreal.

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But the list goes on as you can see to include many other interests of global capital that are listed right here on this slide.

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So all this is to say is that Chicago is not some exceptional field site. It's actually a case that has worldwide implications that are relevant for broader political diagnostic.

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So our goal is to offer a granular account of how government has been re-purposed in the image of capital and show which communities have been most devastated by these developments.

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And we're looking at data that spans between 2,013 and 2,017 from Chicago's Department of Streets and Sanitation and within these 5 years there were a total of 89 days of recorded snowfall as you can see on the calendar that's presented here in this data vis and in the next few slides

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I'm gonna walk you through the scope of winter related of towing and Chicago looking at how many cars were towed on days where there was no snowfall as well as how many of these cars ended up being dispossessed by Chicago and sold for scrap value.

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So between 2013 and 2017 more than 3 and every 4 of the 45,000 cars that were towed for snow-related reasons actually occurred on days without any recorded snowfall.

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And here's a good point to also mention that United Road Towering gets 88% of that $150 towing fee for each of these cars and that alone amounts to over 4.5 million dollars in revenue.

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So to give that figure some context how much is 4.5 million dollars well it's 15.5 times more than what the towing firm contributed to the Illinois political campaigns between 94 and last year.

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So quite a rate of return. 472 of these toed cars were never reclaimed by their owner for whatever reason.

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And Chicago ended up selling them to United Road Tilling for a grand total of $76,600.

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Let me say that again, that's 472 cars for $76,000.

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Now, where did all of these toes occur and which of these cars were most likely to be sold for scrap?

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These are the empirical questions that I turn to next and I'll answer them within a multivariate framework.

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But before I can answer them, you should remember that Chicago is one of the most segregated cities in the entire world.

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So on this slide, what you're seeing here is a dot map that represents the city's racial profile.

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So Chicago is roughly divided up into thirds between black folks, slat next folks and white folks so each dot on the map represents 25 people white folks are represented in pink Latinx folks were represented in orange and black folks are represented in blue.

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I want you to notice that most white folks are clustered in the north side. Most black folks are clustered on the west and south sides of the city and then those orange dots that scatter throughout the southwest and northwest sides of the city.

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That's where most Latinx folks live. So when we run a multivariate analysis, my co-author and I opted for a negative binomial or aggression model because we're working with count data and the distributions of our outcomes are over dispersed.

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Using this count model we take up the question of which communities experience the most snow-related toes on days without snow and we place this dependent variable in a model that accounts for a community's racial profile.

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While controlling for neighborhood level measures of socioeconomics, the built environment, institutional factors, and regulatory risk.

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Now I've listed all the variables that we considered in the forest plot that summarizes our model here.

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Here you're going to see each regression coefficient. It's effect size in a significant levels.

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And I should also mention that our continuous measures here are standardized as Z scores. So all of these measures are pretty much, well most of them are self-explanatory, but for the sake of time, I'm not going to be talking about how they're operationalized, but I'd be happy to have this conversation during the

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Q&A if anybody has questions or wants to talk about it.

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So what we find is that these towing practices concentrate in predominantly lat next neighborhoods. All else held constant the incidents of snow-related toes on days without snow increases by 57% for each standard deviation increase in the lat next population.

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So some of the neighborhoods with the highest count aren't just any lat next neighborhoods though. They include so-called sanctuary spaces that house considerable shares of Chicago some 200,000 undocumented residents, mostly from Latin America.

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So what we want to suggest is that these practices align with developing theories of predation and research on monetary sections where you see this style of pocketbook policing that targets those who are seen as not constituents of the demos who basically have little to no political recourse.

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But it makes their money all the more right for the taking by interests of capital who seek profit above all else.

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The second model uncovers what extent communities of color are sites where cars were towed on days without snowfall and subsequently sold for scrap value.

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Given again that we're using count data that are over dispersed this model is also a negative binomial regression.

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Net all other factors, Model 2 predicts that more no snow turned cells toes turned cells were taken from neighborhoods were proportionally more black and Latinx residents.

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The rate rises by 85% for each standard deviation increase in a neighborhood's black representation and it rises by 65% for each standard deviation increase in a neighborhood slot next representation.

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It's important to remember that these dispossessions represent the raw materials that make a lot of profit possible for United Robtelling.

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A company that not only buys these cars at a heavily discounted rate, but now is one of the largest towing firms in the entire world.

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So how are we to make sense of these findings? Well, conventional narratives within the literature on monetary sanctions compare the imposition of fines and fees and then the punitive recourse that follows for any type of non-payment, they compare this imposition to bleeding eternal type of analogies where you know they're trying

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to basically impose penalties and extract money from those who really just don't have much of it. And with our findings, we want to suggest that another kind of a relation is at play.

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We suggest that capital interests frequently prey upon vulnerable communities for profit producing possibilities precisely because of their precarity.

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Now I recognize that United road telling played no hand in creating Chicago's obscene levels of segregation, but the residential proximity of black and Latinx residents specifically, nevertheless, concentrates these predatory practices and quote unquote sacrifice zones.

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And this context of spatialized expendability offers this ready-made market of residents confined by segregation itself where a profit motive is injected into a basic public service while the public right away is commodified.

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Meanwhile, these practices aren't just reproducing racial inequality for daily dispossessions, but they're ceding many of these spoils over to corporate control.

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Which says something about how racial capitalism is underwriting basic questions of democracy, like who has access to a common space.

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What are the terms of people's mobility and who has a right to the city? Thank you.

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Thanks, Casey. That was excellent. I will save any questions till the end. We'll get questions on every speaker all at the same time.

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So next up we have Jian Kim of Nantier University in France.

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Yeah, I must speak here, right?

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So I thank you very much for giving me a chance to have a present my ongoing PhD work. Today actually before I start my presentation.

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I would like to share a very tragic news from France. And so just a minute of silence.

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Oh, a 17 year old boy living in Nata where I study. Where I do my PhD was shot and killed by the police brutality in violence.

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In the morning on Tuesday, 27 June. I am deeply angered and grieved by this repetitive police violence in brutality.

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Which already killed 5 persons 5 young persons this year. So one only thing that I can suggest is trying to remember it and not resisting and and not resisting and resisting against.

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Forgetting it so so easily. So please.

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Thank you so much. So, well. My work is Yeah.

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So I actually modified slightly the title preparing this presentation. So it really actually much more ethnographic than I expected.

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So I'm looking forward to hearing your comments on that. So, the title is Gentrification and Coloniality of Power Restaurants in the Khanazi and Latin neighborhood in Paris.

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I work on the relation between commercial and retail gentrification. As it pertains to the restaurant industry.

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Especially in the Cannes-mouth Town neighborhood in Paris. And this is, so this is the map of the Paris.

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And I especially work on the Cannes Seinfeld neighborhood which is in the tenth world, only small in the northeast of Paris.

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So if you're not very familiar with this neighborhood, you know, this is the northeastern part, the tenth and well it was known for a tragic terrorist attacks that happened on November thirteenth, 2,015 in Paris.

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And at the same time, well, some famous films in dramas represent this neighborhood such as the fabulous destiny of Amelia Pula and more recent Netflix series such as Emily in Paris.

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So now I will mention very briefly that my fieldwork draws upon different methods, press 3 interviews with restaurant entrepreneurs and workers but also some data available on the on the website.

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Documents on the restaurants and neighborhood, National Press Articles, Local Magazine, Legacy General published between 1,992 and 2,003 and also the local magazine published by the historical association of the tenth on this month.

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I also tried to do a participant observation which didn't work very well but if you have any questions I can come come back on this.

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So before, entering into the core of my presentation, I think it's important to make clear my approach which you can resume the colonial and intersectional positionality.

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Build work and through the interviews. I noticed the diversity of entrepreneurs and their professional itinerary, social and racial origins So it's partially true that gentrification goes hand in hand with their lotatory discourse on diversity and Paris is a so-called multicultural global city.

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In other words, the image of the neighborhood gives an impression. Could be a cosmopolitan canopy according to Elijah Andersens.

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Anderson at the same time some entrepreneurs who settle down as early as the neighborhood started a gentrifying, declared, there was nothing here.

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It was an old filthy bar run by the elderly. So their remarks made me think of the analogy between gentrification and central colonialism, especially in post-colonial cities.

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As is the case for example in in the state or in Canada or in Australia. And however, I work on Parisian gentrification.

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Paris is rather a post in periicity than a post-colonial city. Since it was the center of French Empire.

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So it seems difficult to argue that their discourse refers to the central colonialism. So here my positionality as a minority coming from South Korea intervened to catch the power relations of race living and experiencing Paris as a post-colonicity.

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So here I refer to Anthony King and Jane Jacobs who remarked that the distinction between post-colonial and imperial cities become ambivalent.

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For post-colonial migrants from such asia to London for example. In that I, owe pretty much my theoretical framework to the analysis of power relations between the majority and minority groups.

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Why didn't minority rate at non-racial minorities as conceptualized by Colettioma.

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In spite of apparent and visible diversity of population in this neighborhood. In addition, it is important to mention the institutional difficulties in French context since only the birthplace.

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The the place of birth is informed and the data on ethnic and racial origins are not not collected.

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So this makes it very challenging to initiate how actually the colonial power operates in the process of gentrification.

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However, I would like to remind that in the tense Armold Dismo there was a big community of Turkish migrants who settled down there since 1,900 sixtys and seventys and also along with subcontinent in India's racial retail, shops.

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And also Algerian and Tunisian American migrants as well. So it has, it was always pretty much mixed even before so-called identification takes shape.

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So, concerning to contextualize. The transportation of this neighborhood, I will briefly mention historical elements.

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So the canal was constructed in 1,825 to supply a water and make rapid waterway transportation.

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The tens around this month was integrated to Paris under the Second Empire and it refers also to the period where Baron Osman carried out an important urban renovation project.

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In Paris. At that time the Industrial Revolution was going on and 2 major railway stations were launched near the canal.

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The the east and north station. The Thames are on display in the neighborhood near the canal were prosperous during this period thanks to the construction industry and its depending structures including a number of warehouses and small workshops in spite of difficult living conditions of working class.

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After the end of the second world war the automobile transport became much more prominent. At the expanse of waterway traffic.

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It was also hit by the industrialization and the neighborhood became infamous. As you can see in the table on the right side, the inhabitants are the inhabitants occupational groups living next to the canal shows that the proportion of so-called white color was multiplied by 10 so from 4 to 40

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9. While employees and blue-collar groups were divided by 3 from 69 to 22 between 1,954 and 2,013 So.

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And in this situation, the public authorities planned to put in place the urban planning. Well, I'd rather call gentrification politics since 19 sixties.

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For example, they decided to replace the canal by the route in 1,967.

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However, this project was finally abandoned in 1,976 and at the same time the several reports which proposed the urban renewal.

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So gentrification project were published by at the Persian Organism. An important partner of the Paris municipality.

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So we cannot taste the gentrification of the neighborhood since the 19 eighties and became especially visible since 2,000.

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The gentrifiers published a local magazine between 1,992 and 2,003.

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So it is this one. It did, if that is that with local information to inform the inhabitants about the urban renovation to claim for expansion of green areas as well as public gardens, the pedestrianization of the canal banks to promote participation democracy to call for a political measure against drug trafficking and

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security. She advertised worker businesses and so on. You know, in other words, their activities consist of gentrification dynamic, during a line of distinction between love and control of diversity as a case of progresses 25 years in Boston studied by This investment refers also to the diversity promoted by gentrifiers.

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The diversity promoted by identifiers remain selective following Len Barr's work.

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So the gentrification. Of this Parisian neighborhood was supported by the public authorities and became very visible since 2,000 and since 2,010 the working-class history of this neighborhood draw some attention as you can see these books and the exhibition which was held.

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During that period.

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One of the examples now I will get more give more details get more Are you get more directly into the examples which illustrate the colonial how the colonial power consists of gentrification dynamic.

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So one of the examples which represent well the life of parent working class. During the interwar Paris is Lotte, you know. This is the photo you can see that.

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I take this example since it's very implemented to illustrate the selective inclusion of history. In the in the dynamic of gentrification.

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So during the interval Paris, it was a furnished hotel which provided newcomers of Paris with newcomers of Paris with simple and temporary accommodation.

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Conducting of fieldwork, I learned about the history of this restaurant. And interviewed the owner and got to know that it is a very well known touristic place.

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Avundant information and images are available, very easy to find them. And when I examined 35 issues of the legacity together, this building was mentioned at least 40 times.

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And at least 70 in the national price articles at least it was mentioned at least 75 times especially to introduce or whether advertise this place to go, to go out.

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It's more recently from a spiritual public radio station, Broadcaster's history in May, 2,022.

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But the history to which they pay attention to is selective. And it reveals how gentrification articulates with the selected inclusion of otherness and diversity.

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So Roto Dino is originally a novel published by Ojendabi in 1,929 which illustrated very well the life and reality of interwar Paris.

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Or working class. Lugene David was I want to be painter from the working class and his parents were running this foraged hotel.

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And this novel was quite successful at that time before being cinematized by Marc Channe in 1,938.

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During the 19 seventies and eighties it was included in the urban renovation project the Zone.

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The inhabitants as well as some artists were against its demolition. They put forward a novel and the film and to emphasize its historical value since it represents Parisian working class history.

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In collaboration with some local politicians they also try to register it as an official cultural heritage. However, it didn't work since the film of Maxwell Kanye was not shot in this place.

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After all, only the sign of it we had facilitated and the building was renovated to be sold on the real estate market.

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Consisting of upscale, obscaled apartments. In 1,995 a businessman called James R.

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Launched a restaurant with 100 places. So, you know, this is the the restaurant renovated and since then the owners changed it 4 times.

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Most recently of most recently about a year ago and some members of, of Laguardi Channel criticized the super Fisher and commercial character of its rehabilitation.

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In addition, several cafe restaurants in the neighborhood actually refer to this firm. For example, there was a restaurant called MAXELE of MAXEY, LAMBOS FAIR, which still uses, that uses the famous scene of the film.

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And by now, some of you might have a question. Well, the novel and film date back to the intro Paris.

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And reopening of the restaurant after renovation goes back to 1,995. In which the gentrification started to take shape.

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In other words, I kind of skipped the period between them. And so the period between 92 and the ninetys.

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In which in other words So, and what about other buildings? Fornished hotels and retail business which were also present in this neighborhood.

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Run by ethnic and racial minorities before and during the tentification policies are put in place. So, Jean Dabi's parents stopped running it in 1,942.

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During the Second World War and I couldn't find any historical traces between 1,924 and the eightys.

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At this point, I would like to remind that sociological research on this type of accommodation in France. Forage the hotels underlines it's important important meaning for migrants especially from North African countries after the end of the Second World War and during the decolonization period.

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I would argue that this blank of local memory is all about the colonial coloniality of power and the selective inclusion which consists of this neighborhood gentrification dynamic.

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Now I will show some examples. So this is an excerpt of of interview with Alan who opened the Tapas Bar in 1,999.

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So who says He witnessed it that there were still some ethanol racial minority owners of the restaurants in this neighborhood at the end of the 19 nineties.

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So, you know, it used to be a cafe run by a Tunisian who cooked Franko-chunisian food and it was closed in the evenings. He only worked at lunchtime.

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In fact, it was a bit of an abandoned area. Went out in the evening. And that restaurant was Algerian.

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Etc. And today they became a Thai restaurant run by a white businessman. Running several restaurants in Paris or French restaurants which don't remind us of any memory of my minority entrepreneurs life and history.

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And the photo that you are looking at is a, which offers a so-called one-board dish with organic ingredients.

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Before it opened in 2,014 it was closed for some time and actually it was originally it was a textile workshop run by a Turkish migrant.

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And this excerpt dating back to 1,996 published in LGBT Canal informs that there were 2 hotels in cafes just a few steps from Lotte, you know at the at the intersection of the turning bridge run by migrants from North Africa.

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The photo shows that show is one of them. It was already close when I started my field work in 2,017.

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And today, Today This is today. So today on the left is a cafeteria run by a white entrepreneur.

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Born in 1,978 and running almost more than 10 more 10 restaurants On the right is a hotel owned by a couple who run 3 hotels in Maxi in in Paris.

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It costs more than €250 per night.

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And, on the left, you see, okay, fare which was worn by an entrepreneur with North African origin for more than 40 years.

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He never actually wanted to answer my question when I proposed an interview I tried several times and it never worked.

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In 2,019 it closed. After the lockdown during the night during the spring in 2,020 it was renovated and now it's a fancy expensive restaurant run by a white business person businessman who is especially active in real estate sector.

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So these examples demonstrate that a diversity promoted by promoted and sort of bragged by gentrifiers and captured by gentrification dynamic.

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Consists of a selective inclusion of the local history. In other words, the improvement of this improvement of this neighbourhood's representation articulate with this collective diversity and inclusion, excluding and make invisible ethno racial minorities from working class.

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So based on these examples, I do conclude that the dynamic of Parisian identification consists of the coloniality of power.

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Since the post colonial heritage is still lingering and persisting according to Ketanous analysis.

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First, the Constant's intention on Audio Dno was from the inhabitants and artists living in the neighborhood and the journalist of transactions.

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Participated in mystifying the representation of this neighborhood, referring to the history of Parisian working class who can't live in this neighborhood anymore.

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Second, gentrification relies upon this selective inclusion in terms of the neighborhood's representation in history, invisible minority groups was believed, who also lived and participated in the local life.

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Who also lived and participated in the local life. According to some gentrifying entrepreneurs this course in practice they are not worth of being remembered as this course in practice they are not worth of being remembered and representing Parthenon entrepreneurs this course in practice they are not worth of being remembered and representing Peruvian identified neighborhood

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Consequently, as the caffeine restaurants which were run by ethanol minorities during the decline of the neighborhood.

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Close and are replaced by identified ones. Their memory is systematically erased. Finally, the cosmopolitan image of this neighborhood in which we can find restaurants representing all over the world depends on the colonial network power consisting of the power relations between the majority and minority groups as much as their class blooming.

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Thank you very much. For your attention.

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Thank you, Jim. Our final speaker is Jessica Tarin from University of Waikato in New Zealand.

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At the Mari,, good morning everyone. Thanks for coming out. You're officially. Thanks for coming out.

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You're officially legends. Thanks for coming out. You're officially Legends.

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And so thank you for being here and also thanks to both our speakers. I found them both really fascinating talks that I can relate to really well and I'll be some tying enough questions perhaps in the discussion time that we have.

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Yes, so thanks for the introduction, Mike. My name is Jessica. I work at the University of White Cato in Autera, New Zealand at Tanida Institute for Population Research where I am a senior research fellow on a large government fund research program called Widow which stands for Working to End

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Racial Oppression, Widow in Adelaide, so that the language of the indigenous population of New Zealand means to put down a challenge.

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And that's what this research program is trying to do. Quite an ambitious aim. To end racial oppression, but we certainly Want to all do this about 30 of us, which I also want to acknowledge do research that contributes to finding transformative solutions to systemic racism across a number of domains including employment including institutional racism

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across various Well, institutions like education, health care, criminal justice and so forth. And the site that I am involved in revolves around the geographies of racism and exclusion and I'm currently in the midst of a research project that is called Residential Choices and Constraints where we're conducting a housing survey

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that sort of examines and tries to explore people's housing experiences and their kind of residual trajectories.

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And specifically with a view to looking at the factors that shape racialized. Disparities and housing outcomes and where, you know, sort of residential patterns I suppose.

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I talked about that survey on Wednesday and it was lovely to see so many people there. So that work is ongoing as part of that work.

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This is what happened. So this is a bit of a spin-off that's slightly spiraling out of control actually at the moment, possibly into a walk at some point.

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But what we were trying to do with the housing survey is we were trying to identify neighborhoods where we would administer the survey.

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And we wanted to include a variety of neighborhoods based on their demographic makeup socioeconomically but also in terms of ethnicity and so forth.

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And as part of making a long list and a potential shortlist. I was beginning to look into segregation measures and so the different ways we you know, conceptualize, segregation and Casey you just spoke to Chicago being one of the most segregated cities and you also have a dot map, there's one of

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Auckland. With I can say this maybe briefly because I probably will have time the purple being New Zealand Europeans the blue being a broad Asian category.

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Green being Pacifica populations and orange being Mardi populations. But the more I looked into these segregation measures and indices and now a lot of them the more I realize that they're so problematic.

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In a number of ways and I got very confused. Also I'm a qualitative researchers. I found it quite hard.

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A lot of maths. And in the end, we sort of thought all of these measures are so problematic.

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That we actually abandoned that approach and went with housing deprivation measures instead and you know they have their own limitations but actually it seemed to be a better basis to work from 4 project.

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But so because of that this thinking about or this idea of rethinking and having to rethink residential segregation through an anti-racist lens morphed into a project of its own with respect to critically examining knowledge production around segregation and for me by now also other terms and other concepts related to

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urban inequalities and the racialisation of urban stratification. So I'm also thinking of So social cohesion and integration and interculturalism and all of those.

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Terms that we use quite. Frequently. And I think that play a particular role in upholding forms of racial capitalism and and wide racial frames.

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And I think this work is really, I should really move on to my next slide. This work is really important for us as part of the widow.

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Team because we do have an explicit anti racist lens and a actually a value statement and a plan to implement these values as well which a call on each of the researchers in the program to explicitly interrogate their own epistemological assumptions.

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And the ways in which traditional Western epistemologies can uphold oppression so that we pay attention to that in the way we ask questions and we design projects and we disseminate findings.

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And so on. And so this work I see as critical to meeting those antiracists and anti-colonial objectives.

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Yeah in in that we pay attention to the research epistemologies and practices so I'm repeating myself now can reproduce or challenge systems of class, race and gender oppression because as Katherine Dignasio and Lauren Klein argue in their really fabulous book Data Feminism.

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Often we don't question how our classification systems constructed what values or judgments might be encoded into them or why they were fought up in the first place and I think all of those concepts that I've just mentioned including segregation a crucial part of that when we think about racism in relation to urban

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inequities. So we're gonna move on to segregation as So the key concept to talk about here before I delve into this and also just having Casey's presentation in mind.

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Especially so I will talk about how segregation is measured and explained. And what the solutions, what kind of solutions are proposed.

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But I'd like to say that I want to acknowledge the histories and legacies and effects of deer segregation under regimes such as apartheid and Jim Crow.

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And that At least one part of the immense body of segregation research is of course motivated by aims of addressing disparities in outcomes and life chances.

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Such as education, income, health, etc. That are argued to be the outcome of segregation and I think this is probably where I take a bit of issue with.

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But I think also Estes's quote from rural Hap Benjamin shows some designs and I think we can also, she talks about technologies after a, such as algorithms and so forth.

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But I think we can also think about concepts and knowages. May I aim to fix racial bias but end up doing the opposite and I argue here that this is the case for segregation scholarship for a number of reasons that I'll turn to soon.

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And so what I have so far found helpful in framing this The way, so which segregation scholarship may intentionally or unintentionally entrench racialized inequities is for instance I'm jumping to the bottom here is Tom Slater's notion of agnotology or a deliberate production of ignorance.

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Which as he argues helps to understand why certain questions are kept off the urban agenda while others remained firmly honored.

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I've also put colorblind racism on here. I've been sort of thinking about it and maybe I'll actually bracket that a little bit and insert maybe Joe Figans wide racial frames instead, although I think it is tied to colorblind racism and Eduardo Bonia sell us ideas around

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racism without racists and so forth here as well. But yeah. At that for the moment. Happy to talk about it.

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So one basic point to make in getting into this. And using this quote here from an abstract.

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That despite the ubiquitous use of segregation indices measuring the ways in which population groups are differentially sorted in space is actually incredibly tricky.

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So this quote here is from an abstract from a Johnston Paulson and Forrest article and these free people have been incredibly prolific in the segregation space in various combinations of co-authorship.

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But internationally they've done a lot of research. And I think you can see from this quote that they are here contradicting another offer on on segregation using an alternative conception of residential segregation, we can find something completely different.

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Basically, as this quote says. So there are a whole range of industries as I've said before, neither of which are neutral or value free.

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And as we see from this code, we may arrive at different conclusions. Dependent on the index we use.

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There have even been so-called index wars. In the past over the use of them. Second point to make here is that all of these indices and often they're used in combination are prone to issues such as groups size, spatial units, scales at which segregation is measured, the way we

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conceptualize ethnic groups, whether we use broad ones or you know more desegregated ones and so forth.

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Also of course multiple ethnicities. How does that work out? Yes, a whole lot of problems with measuring that.

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And some critics have pointed out that these indices obscure as much as they reveal. And even that it may be better to abandon them.

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And yet as peach notes the current trend is towards more industries rather than abolition. And I think that's really a question of why that is the place.

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Besides the body of work on unequal social outcomes, Mattias has argued that research on residential segregation and I quote, has gained great attention over the last decade in the developed world amidst public worries about the apparent failure of multiculturalism and a shift in policy from the celebration of diversity.

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Towards the promotion of social integration of minority communities. And as they further argue, segregation scholarship has become a tool of neo-assimilation as politics.

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In which ethnic minority segregation is increasingly constructed as a problem and threat to social cohesion.

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So one of those other terms I want to deconstruct in some ways and even though I haven't got any more exams or I didn't bring any examples, a cursory glance at abstracts especially in the European context really attests to this.

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So whenever there's urban unrest or with the refugee crisis a sort of an uptick.

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In work on segregation you might be familiar with initiatives such as in Denmark that actually have quotas for the integration of new migrants so that low neighborhood can have more than a certain percentage.

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Migrants in any one neighbourhood, they need to be dispersed and integrated with the mainstream population.

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And such. A logics of assimilation would argue and control and management of minority groups is also evident and proposed.

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Drivers of segregation. That's one of the other things to to look at besides the actual measuring.

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It's where where the causality is seen. So I'm just giving one example. It's where where the causality is seen. So I'm just giving one example here.

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Preferences. So the pick-free is Crowder and Crescent Colin in their book Cycle of Segregation.

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So this discrimination, resources and preferences very clearly dominate the literature. So crowd and christen who don't really question the notion of segregation as such.

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Nonetheless argue that our collective attempts to understand the root causes of segregation have fallen into a kind of intellectual malaise characterized by the overly simplistic and completely automatic application of a few simple theoretical arguments such as these free.

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So it's the one thing I think to say about these is there that they are completely individualized in some ways and don't take into account.

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The ways in which societies and urban spaces are always already racialized and people make certain Choice so that individuality maybe that choice is already embedded in those structures right so crowd and christen a particular advocate for qualitative research here to complement those measures to develop more nuanced and an understanding of people stratified choice

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sets. Was just shaped by those racialized conditions. And again I think is with the measurements the question is why these explanatory frames are employed so automatically and my suggestion is that it reflects dominant paradigms of progress and a role of integration and a picture in which new migrants and communities of color will strive to move to

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better mainstream neighborhoods as soon as they can. So as soon as they have the resources. And also dependent on discrimination.

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So I think it also reflects notions of linear housing careers and ideas of neighborhood attainment pathways.

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And this notion then is also implicated in the proposed solutions. And this is where it gets most interesting for me, I think, because here, show you this already, desegregation.

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Yeah, which, which. Like I say, it's often done in the name of improving people's lives.

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Intersects with long-standing expectations of assimilation that have also led to the management of communities of color.

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So let's have a look at this. Quote here and I might just read it out because it's so long and shift to some other notes.

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So a French example, not Paris, but Leon. So the Lhasa, but Lyon.

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So the Lhasa major urban project in Lyon is an example for promoting interaction and social cultural mixing by transforming a poor and relatively homogeneous neighborhood into an open socially mixed area.

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While housing units were were being rebuilt, the residents were rehoused and then given the option to return or not.

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At the same time, social housing units were rebuilt into non-social housing which attracted middle-class residents.

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The new neighbourhood now encourages more interaction through gymnasiums, schools and libraries, allows for better mobility, through better connection to the public transport system and cycle tracks leading to the city center and provides new premises.

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For businesses.

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I've chosen this illustration from Leon France. Which I actually came across in a previous research project on the Intercultural Cities Initiative, which is run by the Council of Europe because it's a textbook example of contemporary urban regeneration projects and I would say state sanctions and state-led

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gentrification that aim to transform poor homogeneous neighborhoods into socially mixed ones. So received wisdom has it that segregation especially in combination with high deprivation causes and reproduces social problems and this perspective is known as neighborhood effects and they will affect theory which according to Tom Slater, who does a lot of work on

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gentrification, you'll be familiar with him. How from the University of Edinburgh has become a cottage industry that has driven contemporary discourses and practices of mixing as the silver bullet and the solution to urban inequalities.

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What's interesting here is that while interaction, better business opportunities and better transport are portrayed as inherently positive, so is the replacement of social housing with private housing, a strategy we see over and over again in contemporary urban regeneration.

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And so even with the best of intentions, such measures effectively subject minorities and marginalized populations to being managed.

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And often displaced. So we see here the was that people were being rehoused, given the option to return?

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It's a very common issue as well. Often. There's very little communication around that and often people do not return.

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That as some critics like such as Mathias and Born and Abacci who have argued that mixing strategies are less about addressing and tryinged inequities than about managing perceived risk.

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And as warm as a bar you further say programs of dispersal and mixing are based on a dualist conception of urban order where the social and spatial dimensions of the processes of polarization in equality and segregation are considered interchangeable.

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And indeed, the Intercultural Cities Initiative explicitly encourages residential integration as a way of enabling cities to root the benefits and minimize the risks.

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Related to human movement and cultural diversity. So what's more interesting is that this example here is from a policy brief entitled Prevention of Radicalization for Intercultural Policies.

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So I think one of the interesting questions and with that I'll turn to my conclusion because I feel like I've actually gone on for quite long.

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3 months? Cool. OK, I can do that. I think one interesting thing to consider is that is worn and about you have also said if spatial segregation is bad where's the evidence that integration or residential mixing is necessarily good because the evidence is actually very is mixed probably as these developments.

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So to turn to my conclusion for the last couple of minutes. I think, yeah, I'm very happy to discuss this.

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These are really still quite early. Fourth and a way of working through this. Thanks, I don't think it is quite a complex issue.

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So with with Chris and Crowder, I would suggest that we do need more neural analysis of the processes that shape.

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Residential patterns and journeys of people and to take into account this. The structures, the policies, whether it's land use, where public housing is spelled, all of those things that shape our housing outcomes and residential patterns.

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I suppose. But most importantly, I think that in this pertains to the second point on my slide here is that it is important to not use segregation.

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As a proxy for addressing racism and I think this really speaks to the idea that some of this research is really well-intentioned. Right?

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It's looking at the neighbourhood presumed neighborhood effects and says that it is segregation that leads to poorer outcomes.

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In health, in education and incomes and wealth and so forth. But actually, I think it is racism, it is poverty, it is those things that lead to potentially 2 disparities and outcomes and segregation is just a proxy.

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So desegregation might not be the solution. Right? And might actually keep us from looking for for solutions that address the deeper root causes and structural issues.

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And of course it's much harder to do and I think that's one reason that we don't do it.

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And lastly, I think it's important to problematize the assumptions that underpin the measurement.

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Conceptualization and the proposed solutions. As some critics have pointed out the concentration of white people or majorities, concentrations of wealth.

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Is rarely seen as a problem. Instead, whiteness is an invisible norm and often an unacknowledged reference neighborhood against which deficit discourses in the management of low incomeincome non-white communities.

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Is sorry legitimized Thank you.

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Just some references. Let's go.

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Well, thank you Jessica and thanks again to all 3 speakers. So we will open it up now for any questions from the audience.

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I'll just get anyone who's got questions to come and ask them at the same time and then we'll get the speakers back up one by one.

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And we'll get the speakers back up one by one. If you do an answer, ask a question, we'll just get you to use the microphone over there just so it's gets recorded by the zoom and yeah.

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Any questions? That was not.

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So.

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I'm Tom from the University of Western Australia and thank all the speakers and just because I don't have a question of Western Australia and thank all the speakers and just because I don't have a question has been it wasn't fantastic.

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But I've questioned for Youung and for Jessica. In terms of the Tenta Hondesmo and the gentrification, The tenth of one's this morning and John gentrification.

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I had a couple of questions. One is how much gentrification. I had a couple of questions.

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One is how, is there any problematization? I had a couple of questions. One is how, is there any problematization of the sort of the imagined into war golden years versus how they actually are and we see these in labor studies that sort of the golden era of the post World War II for, you know.

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postpone a quarter's consensus in the global north. Unless you are a person of color. All these kind of things.

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So it's sort of this idea that the golden period that's lost for gentrification, is it any problematization of the lionization of it, I suppose?

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And the second question which is slightly separate is You talk a lot about production in the production gentrification through the state and capital.

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I was wondering what the role of consumption is in terms of that because I mean as someone with family in the eleventh who are almost archetypal Bobos like you know they are going to these restaurants and they are doing these things so that there is a demand side that's being constructed and met as well.

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And Jessica, my question and you haven't done data collection yet for this, is it?

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I just for the understanding the sort of this conceptualization that spinning up out of control. I was just wondering in terms of And it's obviously little literature that I know, What are the roles of giving the voices to the people or who've been disadvantaged by these things.

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And they're sort of maybe a genetic potential to choose where they live. Is that something in? The debates and the public debates for the sort of anemic in Australia about the rental crisis is people basically having options.

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Constrained because of skyrocketing rents not access to capital this kind of cost of living these kind of things and so the role of actually the agency of the people as to where they want to live and having a choice and what role that sort of and again I sort of don't engage in totally in contempt of this phase but this idea

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of choice of where you live as opposed to the effects of where you live as being a way of understanding these sort of problems and also potentially giving voice.

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So I'm asking.

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Oh. Sorry, but actually I didn't understand very very your first question about another supposed to work period?

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Like I just, yeah, yeah, good. So we gentrification becomes a loss. Is there any problematizing of what is actually lost?

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Because maybe it's not as ideal as the Okay, what is actually lost? Well, the the thing is, I'm working on actually this period of gentrification.

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And the funny thing is that I'm finishing my PhD. And I'm doing it like very at the end of my PhD.

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What is lot II ask myself also question that if it's not very much related with the movements of the capital But the things I cannot go further because if not I will never finish my PhD.

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So I'm just starting from the period during which the public authorities who started being interested in the, the urban renovation.

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It, there are numerous like documents, official documents which were published and I will try to permit problematize them as transification politics.

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And for the second question, yeah, yeah, sure. It is very important because actually I was kind of criticized by the fact that I focused much more on the demon side which means that how entrepreneurs actually proposed their change their decoration.

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And so it is very much related with the demands. For example, I talked about this entrepreneur Alan who who settled down who opened the restaurant at the end of 1,990 and I interviewed other people who settle down in this period.

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For example, there are some minorities like that is the paper I proposed for another session. And The title is Drentifying Other Nest and D diversity and whiteness in the restaurants in the kind of Samoa neighborhood in Paris.

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So these minority identifiers they opened a restaurant An interesting thing is that they also say the same thing that there was nothing before they opened their Mr. Johnson.

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And for example, one of the French Cambodian entrepreneur show opened it in 1,997 a Cambodian entrepreneur show opened it in 1,997 a Cambodian restaurant And about like now it has it was in about 2,013 she renovates will

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refurbish the decoration and the interesting thing is that She introduced some vegetarian menus because there were more and more you know demand from the clients and you try to adapt so if you're The thing is that during the 19 nineties for people from working class minority backgrounds were able to open a restaurant through some some family

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halves and for example I'm so she was able to open it and and she in a way survived the gentrification because she was able to adopt her her offerings, calling her offerings towards the customers.

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But I try to conceptualize it, conceptualize that work of whiteness. And in case of Alan, for example, he's from working class background, he's French.

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He didn't do higher education and and but she worked for a very long time in the restaurant sector and at around 40 he opened this restaurant it was possible and the same is that all these professional experiences actually play a role in terms of their success or not.

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In terms of survivor through the gentrification. Thank you.

368
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Thanks for your question. Thank you. So just to speak to the idea of choice.

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So obviously for the the project around segregation there's more conceptual work so there won't be any data collection around that but we are doing a housing survey where we try to use that's right.

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I mean there's there's a large body on residential mobility and kind of housing aspirations.

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Which, yeah, I think also feeds into those discourses around housing careers. And residential attainment and all of those things.

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But I think we have quite a good idea from that work.

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In some ways around how people's housing journeys are structured so we know that tenants and low-income households move a lot more than owners, which makes sense, right?

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And also that those households often don't have a lot of time to make decisions about where to live so it's a very kind of react to you know quick reaction so you just need a roof over your head often so you're not going to shop around for different neighborhoods so much and yeah as Kristin and Crowd say

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it's also already sort of shaped by racialized conditions by your own networks and so forth. Word of mouth, all of those things.

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So and I think in in terms of the gentrification related just placement there's often Very little choice.

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It's public housing residence right and I was previously worked at Messi University in New Zealand on a project that also examined actually examined all the people's sense of belonging in neighborhoods.

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But we chose to do it in a neighborhood that was undergoing urban redevelopment. So we're 300.

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Public housing homes and they're often standalone homes in New Zealand were being replaced this with 1,500 new homes which were mix of public housing affordable so-called affordable housing and private market homes and all the people we talked to there who were in public housing had very little voice.

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And even though council and the developers said that they had consulted I did go to a meeting and there was a lot of disagreement from the local residents about having been consulted.

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So, and there have been, so we've had quite a range of development projects. In Auckland and other places in New Zealand.

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There's a little bit of literature on that. I think one of the problems of researching is researching and bringing in the voices of those.

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People who are displaced is that well once they've been displaced they're very hard to find so in that respect this very little.

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I think what would be quite interesting and I don't think there is so much in the gentrification literature is to actually see what happens to people who are sort of in internally displaced right as their neighborhood changes and becomes one that aesthetically appeals to the new middle class residents.

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Because that's certainly something that's come up in the world we've been doing as well.

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Like, well, this neighborhood no longer belongs to us. Right, cause yeah. It's, yeah, it's the south.

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Yeah.

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So I want to thank both my colleagues because You both added to my reading list in very productive ways and I found myself nodding throughout the presentations.

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Yeah, putting into words like general sentiments that I had had, but I hadn't quite articulated.

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But Jessica, I do have a specific question for you. As you're going through your presentation, I found myself kind of reflecting upon even my first experience whenever I read Massey and Denton's American Apartheid, right?

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And thinking about how, you know, as much as I even returned to that book to this day and really appreciate it how there is certain laden you know assumptions that are baked into how they use the segregation indices and conceptualize the 5 dimensions of segregation that they outline and they kind of make it plain

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too in kind of in certain parts where they rearticulate kind of like these cultural poverty narratives, right?

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How you have predominantly black communities that are tangled in pathologies like that's almost verbatim like how they describe it.

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Which implies a certain like magical quality about whiteness, right? Like the idea is I guess for Mazi and Denton is just to have some exposure to light folks and that's supposed to somehow achieve some type of racial equity.

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So all that is to say, yes, like nodding my head. Thank you for the critique that you've outlined late on the table for us.

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My question is are do you see like any of these segregation indices as being redeemable and if so what that might look like.

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That's a that's a good question. Thank you. I'm not entirely sure I can answer that and I think it's something that I do.

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Struggle with yeah because as you've shown new Chicago being one of the most segregated city so we can very clearly see the the disparities in the spatial distribution.

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We can see it in Auckland as well. So one of the sites where we are doing the housing survey now in South Oakland and Mali.

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The highly deprived. Neighborhood going by the way. That is measured also very much around deficit of course.

401
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In some ways is right. So. Is over 60% Pacifica so largely Tommy and Samoan populations.

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In often and low income. File roles, lot of overcrowding. Yeah, it's a curious one.

403
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So I'm finding I've been finding it quite hard to struggle just with the maths of it in some ways and I thought well if we just take very simple ones of it in some ways.

404
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And I thought, well, if we just take very simple ones around over-. And I thought, well, if we just take very simple ones around over representation, yeah.

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More and Charlie forgot more these are called Lauren's idea or something like that. Yeah, exactly.

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The response. But even then, some of the critics of it said, well, even then it's kind of quite hard to tell about what is a significant over and under representation.

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Yeah, and and I think it's still also my by issues around our definition of ethnic groups.

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So if we look at a place like Mangade, that's 60% Pacifica. That that seems like a huge overrepresentation in in comparison to their share of the population.

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In New Zealand and and even within Auckland, but at the same time there's huge diversity within that.

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It's different. Different island nations. People of different generations.

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Different occupations and and education and so forth. So yeah I struggle even with those and to think about.

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Yeah, just the meaning of it and what we think about.

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Where people live in the first place. In some ways so I think it's more important to address.

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This investment. So I was a presentation yesterday by some American colleagues. I don't know if you were there on Green Valley in Washington, so historically black neighborhood where they basically said that in that neighborhood.

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Like for example they didn't have public toilets in the pack and the justification for not providing those toilets in the pack was that it was presumed people would be doing drugs.

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Yeah, so there's always and I think we see this a lot in terms of how different labels depending on that demographic profile are serviced very differently.

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So I think that definitely is an issue. That is investment. You know whether it's sort of to go up through deserts in the US context.

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Those kinds of things, whether there's playgrounds, whether there's places that people can hang out right is often I think in low-income neighborhoods is a shame we don't actually want to give them benches.

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Or anything so that they don't. Congregate and cause trouble, which is very differently done in sleep majority white or or affluent neighborhoods.

420
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Yeah, I have a question for you.

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Yeah, I wondered, you know, when you talked about the policing aspect. Of Latinx and and Black African communities.

422
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I actually wondered whether that was sort of a counterargument to what I'm saying in some ways because it seems.

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You know, they're so easy to target. And some, yeah, because they're so distinct.

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From white majority, let's say neighborhoods or maybe other ones as well and whatever that's actually an argument for.

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That kind of dispersal. Yeah, it kind of just made me think about, yeah. The way that these neighborhoods are so Yeah, it's like fish in the barrel.

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Yeah.

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I think I'm actually kind of in a very similar boat as you like wanting to be critical of the data that I have access to and that's available to me and trouble some of the fundamental assumptions that inform some of our key categories.

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Of how we go and lump and split, you know? Are our key indicators. At the same time I think about this.

429
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I kind of like, I think about it in the context of the United States where you've had this.

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Colour blind movement you know since like the eighties nineties and in some ways that has been kind of successful and kind of articulating this rhetoric that has helped contribute to kind of the defunding or just the decennial census that we used to have, which is not nearly as robust and detailed as it is anymore and

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in place of it we have something that's called the American Community Survey that was supposed to be more timely data collection.

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On a yearly type basis, but since that's been introduced, it too has. Fall into, I guess pulling funds from it.

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And I think the color mine moment, it kind of I worry about critiquing these data to a certain extent in terms of like the critiques can play to multiple audiences right where you have some folks who are on the hard right who are saying you know like oh we shouldn't collect any data on race at all, right?

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And then could we even be able to articulate the problem and problem size it as such. You know, I mean in some ways we'd be doing like a very french like situation if if that happened in the United States, right?

435
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So yeah. I don't, I don't know. I think that kind of speaks to some of the issues that you were talking about too, but certainly doesn't result.

436
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Hey, good morning. I'm friends. I'm coming from the University of Lisbon and I just wanted to congratulate the organizers because this panel was very, very stimulating and the presenters.

437
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For this very interesting presentations. I have questions to Casey into Jean. First.

438
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Thanks for this. Great presentation. As you as you spoke, I felt like I was. Also,

439
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Picturing this film in my head could I think your presentation could be also like a context for a very interesting film to be done in Chicago.

440
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But just one clarification because that sounded very unbelievable. It's just one clarification because that sounded very unbelievable.

441
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It's a company that tos the cars is the same company that buys them afterwards? Alright, okay.

442
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Yeah. And the the second question is do people appeal on because you said that most of the towing is done, like there's no related ones, is done in days where it actually doesn't know.

443
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So do people appeal and and How is this process? Is it very lengthy and or is it is expensive because maybe you can also see a little bit about them.

444
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The racial composition of these appeals as well. And the second, is my number questions to Hume.

445
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In my Kernazi right? So I think you showed very in a very interesting way how to separate phenomena can happen at the same time in pairs so gentrification which is a class thing and the invisibility of racial minorities.

446
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Of course in Paris in many other contexts this happens also because racial minorities are typically working class.

447
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But I wanted to bring in also the question that my colleague asked before about consumption. Because You mentioned a few times the ethnic origin.

448
01:26:17.000 --> 01:26:27.000
In the class. Of the shop owners of the places that you. Of that you studied. But yeah, but.

449
01:26:27.000 --> 01:26:41.000
So you're introducing a new new layer to gentrification which is not the very common It's not normally about the people who reside who live in the district.

450
01:26:41.000 --> 01:27:03.000
So what about the people who frequent the people who buy there? And. So I wasn't really sure if you were talking about commercial gentrification in that sense of the people, the users, the consumers or the or the or the resident or the nationalities or origins of the shop owners.

451
01:27:03.000 --> 01:27:12.000
Yeah, that's it. Thank you.

452
01:27:12.000 --> 01:27:19.000
John, thank you for your comments. That was a very, very kind, very, very generous. And I'll take them.

453
01:27:19.000 --> 01:27:24.000
The 2 questions that you had me for me in the order that you brought them up. One, yeah, you heard that right.

454
01:27:24.000 --> 01:27:36.000
It's a total conflict of interest. It's one of many throughout basic urban governance that I can identify with in Chicago, but that is right.

455
01:27:36.000 --> 01:27:43.000
The same company that has privatized to tow these cars that they're left unclaimed they end up being the same ones that buy them for scrap value.

456
01:27:43.000 --> 01:27:50.000
That's actually codified within the legal contract that they have monopolized in Chicago since 1,989.

457
01:27:50.000 --> 01:27:58.000
So in terms of the appeals process. So here's how that process works in Chicago. You basically have 2 weeks to appeal your ticket if you don't do it by then.

458
01:27:58.000 --> 01:28:18.000
That's when those late penalties set in. If you do decide to appeal it, there's like basically 6 or 7 prepackaged defenses that they'll outline in very fine print on the orange-cargo greeting card that's left on your car when you do get a ticket and you have to come up

459
01:28:18.000 --> 01:28:27.000
with evidence to cooperate it. And you're really at the mercy too of the administrative judge who looks at these appeals.

460
01:28:27.000 --> 01:28:37.000
Who I should also mention is a political appointee of the mayor whose main purpose is to process as many tickets in appeals as possible.

461
01:28:37.000 --> 01:28:47.000
Rather than any type of substantive meeting of justice. So, but if you don't get, so you can't go to that appeals process.

462
01:28:47.000 --> 01:28:54.000
If you don't have like if your situation falls outside of those 7 prescribed like defenses that are outlined on the ticket itself you can go through an appeal at the administrative court and basically I've done that before.

463
01:28:54.000 --> 01:29:06.000
I used to live in Chicago for a decade and I've got to move back there and actually become rehearsing his colleague at UIC.

464
01:29:06.000 --> 01:29:14.000
But you basically go in there and your day is kind of held hostage by the bureaucratic system.

465
01:29:14.000 --> 01:29:22.000
You basically go in there and your day is kind of held hostage by the bureaucratic system and you have to wait your time until you know a judge calls your name and they have way more cases than they have time to actually go through any type of deliberative type justice.

466
01:29:22.000 --> 01:29:39.000
It's very much kind of like this fast food style justice of cranking through the numbers. And then at the end of the day, you know, if you don't like the decision that's made to say you're still on the hook for that parking violation, you can go through an appeals process, but usually that appeals

467
01:29:39.000 --> 01:29:55.000
process. An additional pills process costs an additional like $300. So I really think at this point that you're bringing up is a really good one to talk about too, cause it speaks about the duality of discipline that's at play here, right?

468
01:29:55.000 --> 01:30:04.000
So in total, there's only about 10% of these tickets that are ever contested each year and of course it varies along the racial geography, the racial lines in Chicago.

469
01:30:04.000 --> 01:30:13.000
So if you look at the predominantly black and Latinx communities, you know, lest you're talking about an pills rate of like less than 5%, right?

470
01:30:13.000 --> 01:30:23.000
So these groups are the least likely to appeal these cases as well. And as I mentioned too, there's no statute of limitations on this debt in Illinois.

471
01:30:23.000 --> 01:30:28.000
And one of the things that I'm giving another presentation after this that kind of talks about the appeals process too.

472
01:30:28.000 --> 01:30:41.000
But one thing that I'm not have time to talk about today in this project is just like every time I talk about it I'm just skimming the surface it's really just the tip of the iceberg But Chicago is now the bankruptcy capital of the United States of America.

473
01:30:41.000 --> 01:30:58.000
It processes more bankruptcies in any other bankruptcy court throughout the entire country. And debt that's tied to parking tickets in part because of the statute of limitations in part because of the editorial nature of these towing and ticketing practices, it's like a huge driving factor behind these bankruptcies.

474
01:30:58.000 --> 01:31:14.000
So in a lot of ways, whenever I'm talking about the duality of discipline for those folks who have a lot of disposable income, disproportionately white folks in Chicago, it's just a parking ticket is like a pain in the ass, but it's not going to be the end of your world.

475
01:31:14.000 --> 01:31:27.000
You'll just go ahead and pay it off and that's just kind of like. The the price of some supposed misdeed but for folks who don't have disposable income disproportionately black Latin expose, right?

476
01:31:27.000 --> 01:31:38.000
We're talking about a very putative thing that can just debt spiral into so many other consequences that can even have entanglements with the criminal legal system too because it could lead to a driver's license suspension.

477
01:31:38.000 --> 01:31:44.000
And then if you get caught, you know, driving without a license, then all of a sudden we're talking about like prison time.

478
01:31:44.000 --> 01:31:47.000
We're talking about something even more punitive. So I think that speaks to your questions a little bit.

479
01:31:47.000 --> 01:31:57.000
And again, I really appreciate your comments.

480
01:31:57.000 --> 01:32:06.000
So thank you very much for your questions. Well, yeah, it's true that I don't talk much about the consumers.

481
01:32:06.000 --> 01:32:18.000
But basically the thing is that what is also because they cannot do everything but basically what I'm interested in is kind of the process of gentrification.

482
01:32:18.000 --> 01:32:34.000
And of course, in terms of the neighborhood change, is that We, there is. Different especially stratification.

483
01:32:34.000 --> 01:32:42.000
For example, young people actually who don't have a lot of money. Days just by beers and stay on the canal banks, you know.

484
01:32:42.000 --> 01:32:59.000
They picnic they can go on picnic and people who have more like who work in this neighborhood especially because there are today there are like architecture agencies and and some MBA core schools.

485
01:32:59.000 --> 01:33:13.000
And design schools. So the even the customers the nature of the customers have changed So these phenomena, phenomena actually are articulated each other.

486
01:33:13.000 --> 01:33:26.000
And and so of course there are some it's true that I focus much more on the commercial aspect.

487
01:33:26.000 --> 01:33:41.000
But for example, I tried to figure out who were the publishers who were the person who participated in the in the I don't know, I guess I can.

488
01:33:41.000 --> 01:33:55.000
And I identified them as the first generation gentrifiers. So with. Less capital economy but more more like highly qualified professors.

489
01:33:55.000 --> 01:34:16.000
But some of them were working class but they still had some heritage actually to buy. Already in the 19 eighties it means that they were not able to I mean there were many people actually who were not able to buy in Paris and so who bought actually Montreal for example which is another very famous gentrified neighborhood near Paris.

490
01:34:16.000 --> 01:34:42.000
So, I try to identify the first of all the class and race of these. Registers because in case of them they arrive there and they very much invested in indeed in the improvement of the neighborhood which goes hand in hand with ratification and I met like 3 of them who participated in so now they are retirees.

491
01:34:42.000 --> 01:34:53.000
And I asked some questions about how was it like the neighborhood when they arrived there and they were very nostalgic.

492
01:34:53.000 --> 01:35:00.000
So for now, they kind of look like the new registrants you arrive, which is very typical. Actually, we see that a lot.

493
01:35:00.000 --> 01:35:14.000
So. I think this, yeah. I guess, and another thing is that I wanted to, underline is that For example, there are all these local magazines.

494
01:35:14.000 --> 01:35:33.000
Published by the Local History Association and in 2,013 I read the the the special number about the anniversary of March because in France in 1,983 there was a big march against and the racism, discrimination and poor equality.

495
01:35:33.000 --> 01:35:59.000
And the special number was actually up a special issue was about commemorating this march and the interesting thing is that in this number in this issue the editor there was not any article about This group, this, so especially, migrating, minority groups.

496
01:35:59.000 --> 01:36:24.000
And they were all about actually because in this neighborhood there were many Germans especially during the industrialization station period there were many servers and you know they try to value certain type of history and And even when they talk about this, the commemoration of this very important historical event.

497
01:36:24.000 --> 01:36:42.000
Oh, finally, these minorities are kind of, you know, invisibleized and they are they don't belong to this this special issue.

498
01:36:42.000 --> 01:36:43.000
All right, we've got about 10 min left, so probably time for one more set of questions.

499
01:36:43.000 --> 01:36:54.000
Yeah, you guess you had your hand up first, so you come on up.

500
01:36:54.000 --> 01:37:01.000
Thanks so much for all of the really stimulating talks. Sorry, I'm late in person, but I was listening avidly I train and then my travel got cancelled anyways. I'm here.

501
01:37:01.000 --> 01:37:24.000
I am present. I actually have questions for all 3 presenters if that's all right. For you my question is I thought your talk was really interesting and I wanted to clarify that the towing companies were private companies but the street itself still remains public space.

502
01:37:24.000 --> 01:37:43.000
Bye bye, yeah, legal definition. And I guess I'm curious what you think that means for how we think through this kind of idea of racial capitalism which often sees private property as the fundamental problem and if kind of this idea I mean what you're illustrating is that actually public space itself is actually already entangled in.

503
01:37:43.000 --> 01:37:49.000
Kind of racial kind of segregation and productions in some ways. And I'm curious yet what you thought about that.

504
01:37:49.000 --> 01:38:04.000
My question to Gi is I guess similar to what some of the other questions have been about, which is about this idea of There's a class based kind of gentrification and then there's the kind of ethnic entrepreneurship aspect.

505
01:38:04.000 --> 01:38:08.000
And I'm reflecting on the fact that there's been all these Asian-american restaurants.

506
01:38:08.000 --> 01:38:19.000
And ancient Australian restaurants that have been closing over time, but that's actually been often celebrated by the owners because it kind of illustrated a symbol of class mobility.

507
01:38:19.000 --> 01:38:28.000
Because that reason they became kind of small business owners in the first place was that they couldn't integrate into the labor market which was racially discriminatory.

508
01:38:28.000 --> 01:38:34.000
So we had to start their own businesses and so there was this kind of celebration over their children not having to do small business work.

509
01:38:34.000 --> 01:38:41.000
And so I was curious if that kind of. Would mean anything in your work or what that would mean in Paris.

510
01:38:41.000 --> 01:38:50.000
And my question to you is, I thought your talk was really interesting and I was curious. I guess about how you're also thinking through the kind of settler colonial context.

511
01:38:50.000 --> 01:39:02.000
And what that would and what if like an anti-colonial framework would look the same as an anti-racist one.

512
01:39:02.000 --> 01:39:09.000
2 min ago. Story.

513
01:39:09.000 --> 01:39:11.000
I'll step up to talk to the two-minute challenge. Thank you so much for your comment.

514
01:39:11.000 --> 01:39:12.000
Thank you so much for your comment. It's given me a lot to think about. Thank you so much for your comment.

515
01:39:12.000 --> 01:39:26.000
It's given me a lot to think about. So the Tony Company, definitely private interests, the streets.

516
01:39:26.000 --> 01:39:45.000
Public at least in name right I would say that we would probably want to trouble that whole idea of the public private dichotomy whenever it comes to the street scape and I do have some glimmers of hope in that there are so many capitalist interests that are baked in and have a business model off of the ticketing

517
01:39:45.000 --> 01:39:58.000
and turning regime in Chicago, but not all the time do these capitalist interests actually line up? Sometimes they can actually be competing against one another, which I think that openness means that there's a possibility.

518
01:39:58.000 --> 01:40:13.000
There's a political possibility for mobilization that is there. At the same time, your question also kind of spoke reflexively about even how I'm kind of uneasy with this project even though I feel it like in it keeps me getting up early in the morning.

519
01:40:13.000 --> 01:40:29.000
I feel really uneasy about it in that it might be reinforcing some normativity that's kind of baked around the whole issue of automobile, right, that we have to have our cars designed around streets, which is, I mean, Chicago is just so overt in your face and trying to wrestle with

520
01:40:29.000 --> 01:40:35.000
that. In a world where we're dealing with ecological disaster.

521
01:40:35.000 --> 01:40:42.000
Thank you so much.

522
01:40:42.000 --> 01:40:48.000
Yes. Thank you so much for your question. I tried to repeat. Yeah, certainly.

523
01:40:48.000 --> 01:40:59.000
I give another example of another second generation so French but her parents were migrants from Hong Kong.

524
01:40:59.000 --> 01:41:19.000
And that's what I said a little bit about working on whiteness. In a way that actually her parents, especially her father who was a cook for a long time, opened a vegetarian restaurant which offers a so-called thick meat restaurant, so you know based on soybeans.

525
01:41:19.000 --> 01:41:31.000
And he opened it in 9 2,009 this neighborhood And the thing is that her brother took it over officially in 2,014.

526
01:41:31.000 --> 01:41:41.000
And she refurbished the restaurant. And the person I interviewed so her sister or his sister She told me that I never wanted to work on this restaurant.

527
01:41:41.000 --> 01:41:51.000
The thing is that she worked regularly in this restaurant. Why she was adolescent. And she's, she told me that I mean it was the worst cliche for me.

528
01:41:51.000 --> 01:42:04.000
I never wanted to work for this. And it's and and he actually worked for a bank because she did communications studies in her university.

529
01:42:04.000 --> 01:42:13.000
And, so she worked in the bank, but she thought that it was not very interesting. She, considered it a crucial job.

530
01:42:13.000 --> 01:42:24.000
And since, Her brother refurbished her restaurant, modernized it. The, I mean the profit started soaring up.

531
01:42:24.000 --> 01:42:39.000
So he needs some help and she decided to join her. So there are all these sort of dynamic actually around gentrification and in other cases like a case of a transmigrant I call it she is Chinese.

532
01:42:39.000 --> 01:42:49.000
She did her MB in NBA course in France and she opened a Chinese franchise actually which they represents.

533
01:42:49.000 --> 01:43:09.000
The seventh century And the reason why she decided to do that there was a whole work on the discourse in the DYCOR decoration and culinary offerings is because that the French people doesn't know about Chinese cuisine and the so-called Asian traders they don't crook I mean

534
01:43:09.000 --> 01:43:18.000
she'sigmatized actually the working class migrants who open these small businesses because she doesn't come from the same class actually.

535
01:43:18.000 --> 01:43:30.000
So there are a whole bunch of dynamics but I really thank you for your question.

536
01:43:30.000 --> 01:43:40.000
Thank you for that question. That is an awesome question. But I'll probably need more than 2 min to work my way through.

537
01:43:40.000 --> 01:43:48.000
It's probably fucking tough. But yeah, I do want to speak to that and I'd be so happy to have a conversation about it as well.

538
01:43:48.000 --> 01:44:02.000
So I think one thing to say is that satellite colonial logics. In the project of settler colonialism and racial capitalism at deeply entangled.

539
01:44:02.000 --> 01:44:17.000
I think that's 1 point to make right that logics of this procession, private ownership. You know the idea of a home owner society and all of those things.

540
01:44:17.000 --> 01:44:26.000
Can't actually be really separated out. So I think the racism that as part of that right and and the static colonial logic.

541
01:44:26.000 --> 01:44:42.000
Yeah, just kind of go hand in hand. I think an interesting aspect is that the you know what That's the call talking young and Fennuccini and Patrick Wolf and the settler colonial context.

542
01:44:42.000 --> 01:44:56.000
Call the logic of illumination of indigeneity because the indigenous population is always sort of in the way of the satellite colonial project of taking the land.

543
01:44:56.000 --> 01:45:05.000
Has actually often resulted always in in different contexts but in our terawa specifically actually in assimilation.

544
01:45:05.000 --> 01:45:14.000
Right? It hasn't resulted in segregation, it's very specifically been assimilation including the pepper potting.

545
01:45:14.000 --> 01:45:28.000
Approach during the urbanization of Mardi post Second World War. You know, how does that fit into into this picture that I've been talking about here?

546
01:45:28.000 --> 01:45:46.000
But having said that, I think one important point might be especially around. The solutions I expect I guess is to give expression and an end.

547
01:45:46.000 --> 01:46:01.000
Obviously highlight indigenous sovereignty, sovereignty and self-determination. And in some ways that might Obviously, of course, lead to more segregation in some ways if we think of papa kanga in the New Zealand context.

548
01:46:01.000 --> 01:46:06.000
And, buy Mardi for Mardi community housing, all of those things, right?

549
01:46:06.000 --> 01:46:15.000
I think it relates to landback movements. So the case of Iamato and in Auckland.

550
01:46:15.000 --> 01:46:25.000
So I think these kinds of projects of decolonization that don't subsume indigeneity into the settler state and kind of.

551
01:46:25.000 --> 01:46:39.000
Onto a lot by cultural model need to play an important part in this in this conversation.

552
01:46:39.000 --> 01:46:50.000
Unfortunately, that's all we've got time for today. You can see this probably some more questions, but I'm just getting another run of a force for our 3 speakers before we get on out of here.